First, we should extend congratulations to Premier Furey on
his election victory and wish his new Administration every success. It remains
to be seen if he is ready for the challenge that awaits. This is a matter to
which we will return.

Opposition leader Ches Crosbie and NDP leader Alison Coffin,
both having lost their Seats, deserve our appreciation for the important work
of Opposition, too. It is the end of the road for Mr. Crosbie’s undistinguished
political career. As to Ms. Coffin, the loss of a “core” NDP Seat must hurt.
Other pundits may wish to analyse why the “rubber booters” voted heavily
Liberal this time, but the Party might also want to reflect on their relevancy
in a Province with three left-wing Parties, a situation — for the other two — born
less out of ideology than opportunism.

Premier Furey told reporters that the election is about “Who
you want to lead the province through the pandemic. Who you want to lead it
through the economic challenge. Who you want to sit at the table with the
federal Liberal government…” His election call disregarded the pandemic and
gave little reference to the debt crisis. That left only the “Feds”.

From this perspective, it isn’t so much that Furey won more
Seats than either Ches or Alison. In the end, it was “hope” that prevailed. Having
failed to offer a “hundred days of decision”, the electorate were content with
another four years of dither, not that Crosbie had a different agenda.

That means, for now, NAPE, CUPE and the NLTA can stop erecting
the barricades, Mary Shortall can go back to Moya Greene’s Committee… and the
rest of us can get ready for… sorry, I feel an urgent need to… yawn.

No one has enjoyed watching the electoral process descend into
dysfunction. Gaps in legislation, poor judgment and awful communication by the
Chief Electoral Officer have been manifest. A likely Court challenge will test
whether he had the authority to extend the date of the whole Writ rather than
just a few Polls. Some of the narrowly lost/won Seats will remain under threat,
especially Coffin’s. Legality is one thing, but when I saw Bruce Chaulk delivering
ballots personally, rather than directing a determined and inclusive voting
operation, it had the colour of “Nalcor logistics”, without the waste of so
much money.  

As to the Election: How significant is Premier Furey’s
majority? Has anything really changed? The short answer is, no. The Seats do
not add up in the way you might think.

The Liberals have earned a tenuous majority, even if 22 Seats
to the Tory Opposition’s 13 seems numerically significant. As much as some may
think otherwise, Furey has not won unfettered power to enforce painful fiscal
change — not that that is his intention.

The math: After a Speaker is elected, the Liberals have 21
Seats against the combined Opposition’s 18 Seats. That is not a big margin when
travel, illness — and political life — are considered.

Furey could have won a larger Caucus but, in addition to his
predecessor’s decision to reduce the Legislature to forty Seats, he made several
errors that significantly influenced the outcome.

One was that — like Ches Crosbie — he failed to attract enough
new and capable recruits. When it comes to energy, ideas and smarts, his
Administration remains in serious deficit.

Furey’s next mistake was his ignominious dismissal of Liberal
stalwart, Perry Trimper, who suffers foot-in-mouth disease. Still, he had some
of the skill-set that Furey needs; he is also a sincere and decent individual. His
punishment did not befit his crime. Only an inexperienced Premier would have
chosen to give him an undignified exit from the Liberal Party.

Furey also made no accommodation for the return of Bay of
Islands MHA Eddie Joyce. The latter’s nemesis, Placentia-St. Mary’s MHA Sherry
Gambin-Walsh, forfeited any claim on her Party’s loyalty having breached
Cabinet confidentiality as a Minister. The urgent need for gender balance in
politics does not excuse such a lapse of judgment.

Nor can Furey count on the third Independent, Mount
Pearl-Southlands MHA Paul Lane. While he holds no grudge, as do Joyce and
Trimper, he has no incentive except to remain a populist politician. Re-election
is his reward, except if he “betrays” the voters by supporting fiscal

The NDP will never vote for fiscal repair. Responsibility is
not a public expectation of them, anyway.

On this basis, the count in the House of Assembly is 21 to 18,
no more, no less (for a while). The Sittings will be short; travel by Ministers
and the backbench when the House is in Session is not an option.

Furey has other problems, too. Long-time former Deputy
Minister of Health John Abbott surprised many with his defeat of NDP Leader
Alison Coffin. As heavyweight bureaucrats go, Abbott has always gotten high
marks. His leadership bid left no doubt as to his concern over matters fiscal.
He can be an enormous help to Furey, but a thorn in his side if the Premier’s
deficit reduction strategy is just rhetorical flourish. Abbott does not suffer
fools; yet the Liberal Caucus has plenty of them. Furey may well make him
Minister of Health — on which the fiscal axe must fall — except that 21 Seats
does not provide a safe margin for short political careers.

Contrast Abbott with John Hogan, who took down Ches Crosbie in
Windsor Lake. He is a strong Liberal partisan: a lawyer, young, bright,
articulate, with aspirations. He is not about to skewer a nascent political
career by talking up the perils of a careening debt wall.

Hogan has plenty of company to oppose John Abbott. Does anyone
really see Gerry Byrne, John Haggie, Lucy Stoyles, Sarah Stoodley, Tom Osborne
or Siobhan Coady, among others, staring down picketers protesting health care
cuts? They would rather be stung with COVID-19!

Finally, Furey does not inspire “spine”, anyway, in a Caucus
that has long eschewed its merit.

 Only last week, we
watched the Supreme Court of Canada whittle away provincial powers under the
Constitution, having come to the conclusion that a “Carbon Tax” is the Holy
Grail of climate change, as if no other “fix”, negotiated or otherwise, was possible.
It is a Decision transparently offensive to the idea of a “confederal” state,
except to citizens who believe Quebec and Ontario constitutes the whole Country
or are, otherwise, content to be on their knees to the Centre. For that reason,
all the smaller provinces ought to have wagged their fingers when the Federalist-leaning
High Court decided to go flag waving.

Premier Furey didn’t even mention the ruling.  

When a Premier is so weak that even fundamental constitutional
issues are ignored in the pursuit of political self-interests, it is hard to see
how he will inspire the Gerry Byrnes and the Siobhan Coadys to connect deficit
reduction with the larger issue of responsible government.

Even the mention of their names inspires nap time. From now
on, it won’t be gentrification but politics — in the Dwight Ball tradition — that
will cause… sorry, I’m failing fast… yawn, yawn, yawn… zzzzzzzzzzzzzzzz

Des Sullivan
Des Sullivan
St. John's, Newfoundland and Labrador, Canada Uncle Gnarley is hosted by Des Sullivan, of St. John's. He is a businessman engaged over three decades in real estate management and development companies and in retail. He is currently a Director of Dorset Investments Limited and Donovan Holdings Limited. During his early career he served as Executive Assistant to Premier's Frank D. Moores (1975-1979) and Brian Peckford (1979-1985). He also served as a Part-Time Board Member on the Canada-Newfoundland Labrador Offshore Petroleum Board (C-NLOPB). Uncle Gnarley appears on the masthead representing serious and unambiguous positions on NL politics and public policy. Uncle Gnarley is a fiscal conservative possessing distinctly liberal values and a non-partisan persusasion. Those values and opinions underlie this writer's views on NL's politics, economy and society. Uncle Gnarley publishes Monday mornings and more often when events warrant.


If a Big Mac costs McDonalds $10 to produce and it is sold for $1.50, McDonalds will go out of business. They would not declare a profit!


Bill left public life shortly after the signing of the Atlantic Accord and became a member of the Court of Appeal until his retirement in 2003. During his time on the court he was involved in a number of successful appeals which overturned wrongful convictions, for which he was recognized by Innocence Canada. Bill had a special place in his heart for the underdog.

Churchill Falls Explainer (Coles Notes version)

If CFLCo is required to maximize its profit, then CFLCo should sell its electricity to the highest bidder(s) on the most advantageous terms available.