The Premier’s decision to redraw electoral
districts and reduce the House of Assembly from 48 to 38 seats has little to do
with saving money. As his window of opportunity closes, the Premier is on the
hunt for a fix to reverse his Party’s dismal standings. His latest move seems
like pure mischief; except it has far ranging consequences.

The 10 seat reduction
represents a savings of about $10 million over four years. That is far less
than half the amount Nalcor’s Ed Martin wasted in a misguided oil exploration
plan that drilled two dry holes in Parson’s Pond!
The strategy of altering the
number of electoral ridings for political advantage is not original; though, I am
not inclined to ascribe to Paul Davis any of the skills of Prince Machiavelli
or even of former Premier Frank Moores, the latter having employed it to great
Frank Moores’ redistribution
plan was not just skilful; it had a purpose noble enough to exceed its

When, in 1975, Moores wanted a
second term, he was up against rural and traditional Liberal voters, who, with Smallwood
banished, were content to return to their political roots.  
But, in St. John’s, the
political strength which the Tories boasted in the 1971 and 1972 elections, endured;
every new seat created in the capital city area, favoured the Moores’ administration.
  (Under Premier Clyde Wells the 52 Seat plan
was reduced to 48).
Moores ‘sold’ his plan as
necessary for good legislative practice; he argued it would bring much needed
additional talent to the Legislature supporting a committee structure that
included the Public Accounts Committee. Though the Liberals cried
‘gerrymandering’ they couldn’t make a case against more democracy. There was far less money for MHAs then, than there is today.
Davis does not have
more democracy on offer; he has less. He and his advisors think they are being slick
by placing the Liberals’ election readiness plans in disarray. Naturally, while
the new boundaries are being re-designed, they will be forced to stop candidate
nominations and repeat those already completed.

In politics, it is fine
to inflict a ruse on your foes. But t
his redistribution plan is emblematic of the Judy Manning and Dept. of
Public Safety decisions. Davis doesn’t think ahead.  He is unable to envision consequences.
The ruse may slow the Liberals’ advantage short-term,
but unless Davis can find a way to overcome the Tories’ well-earned lack of popularity, urban and rural, the reward will be temporary.
Davis is telling the public, in
advance of an election, he is willing to start the Government’s financial
surgery among politicians; the very group that, though not always deserving of
it, still elicits their kneejerk disapproval and outright contempt.
Unfortunately, he is part of
the group that mistakes symbolism for change; he knows a rounding error will not
work given the size of the problem, but that is another matter entirely. 
Davis does not have a $1
billion deficit, as some media keep saying. Without early and deep cost
cutting, for the 2015-16 fiscal year it will run upwards of $2 billion or more.
The amount is almost too large to contemplate, given the pain it represents.
This is exactly what makes the consequences
of his seat reduction plan so dangerous.
In the current fiscal climate,
it is impossible to re-define public policy that suits the whole province. All
change appoints winners and losers; in the post-election House of Assembly political
realism will favor the urban areas over rural, especially the more monied,
business and population-heavy, urban, north-east Avalon. 
When big choices have to be
made, like which hospitals survive, rural will have little clout around the
Cabinet table.  Some geographically large ridings, with dispersed populations will be easy to sacrifice, altogether.
Wittingly or
otherwise, the Tories have further endangered rural NL. 
A far difference consequence is that a smaller House of Assembly
will prevent it from working better. Some will thumb their nose at those who play the democracy card. Let them. A commitment to a stronger legislature, one in which committees function and are given an adequate support structure is in everyone’s best interest.  It ought to be a mantra of every modern political party, especially one chafing to come in from the cold. 
In that respect, Dwight Ball should
be chided for his narrow understanding of democratic practice and for supporting any reduction in seats.
If all political parties have
no inclination to re-establish a better working House of Assembly, and if rural
NL must be sacrificed to resolve the budget deficit, Mr. Davis may as well
scrap the entire 1975 Moores administration’s 52 Seat idea and revert, not to
38, but to 32; the number of members which comprised the first
post-Confederation Legislature.    
It will save another $2.5
million a year.
Alternatively, we could pass
the whole democratic process over to a bevy of book-keepers, or cops!
But, having just gotten whacked with a nightstick, democracy might just demand that more of us stand up to account.
Des Sullivan
Des Sullivan
St. John's, Newfoundland and Labrador, Canada Uncle Gnarley is hosted by Des Sullivan, of St. John's. He is a businessman engaged over three decades in real estate management and development companies and in retail. He is currently a Director of Dorset Investments Limited and Donovan Holdings Limited. During his early career he served as Executive Assistant to Premier's Frank D. Moores (1975-1979) and Brian Peckford (1979-1985). He also served as a Part-Time Board Member on the Canada-Newfoundland Labrador Offshore Petroleum Board (C-NLOPB). Uncle Gnarley appears on the masthead representing serious and unambiguous positions on NL politics and public policy. Uncle Gnarley is a fiscal conservative possessing distinctly liberal values and a non-partisan persusasion. Those values and opinions underlie this writer's views on NL's politics, economy and society. Uncle Gnarley publishes Monday mornings and more often when events warrant.


If a Big Mac costs McDonalds $10 to produce and it is sold for $1.50, McDonalds will go out of business. They would not declare a profit!


Bill left public life shortly after the signing of the Atlantic Accord and became a member of the Court of Appeal until his retirement in 2003. During his time on the court he was involved in a number of successful appeals which overturned wrongful convictions, for which he was recognized by Innocence Canada. Bill had a special place in his heart for the underdog.

Churchill Falls Explainer (Coles Notes version)

If CFLCo is required to maximize its profit, then CFLCo should sell its electricity to the highest bidder(s) on the most advantageous terms available.